Kazakhstan’s elections to the new Kurultai on Aug. 23 will give practical effect to the provisions of the new Constitution adopted in March. These elections represent an important stage in the implementation of the new constitutional order and the first nationwide vote under the new constitutional framework, making them an early test of the new institutional model based on the concept of Just Kazakhstan and the supreme status of citizens’ rights and freedoms.
A milestone in constitutional reform
Dávid Biró.
The new Constitution, approved with over 73% turnout and more than 87% support, was presented to citizens as a comprehensive recalibration of the political and legal system. It reinforces Kazakhstan’s identity as a democratic, secular, legal and social state and elevates the principles of protecting human life and rights, interethnic and interfaith harmony, and long-term sustainable development to constitutional status. The Kurultai is part of this and not a standalone innovation, it is a central element within the frame of modernisation of the government, increasing accountability and making public policy more predictable.
Kurultai’s institutional role
The establishment of the Kurultai replaces the former bicameral parliamentary structure with a unicameral model of 145 deputies elected through a proportional party-list system for a five‑year term. The overall design of this system is broadly in line with international practice and is designed to professionalize legislative work and help preserve political pluralism, and to foster more programmatic party systems. A smaller Parliament will be able to make decisions more quickly, and will have a smaller administrative structure, and each deputy will be responsible for a large population, making the Kurultai the main forum for national debate.
The Constitution significantly strengthens the role of the Kurultai in the system of checks and balances. It is necessary for its consent to the appointment of the Vice President, the Prime Minister, all judges of the Constitutional Court, all members of the Central Election Commission and the Supreme Audit Chamber, and thus for the new chamber to have a meaningful role in the formation and oversight of key state institutions. Meanwhile, its jurisdiction has been broadened to incorporate a broader range of key public policy areas, thus placing the Kurultai at the center of Kazakhstan’s policymaking process.
Election process and party competition
According to the decree of President Kassym‑Jomart Tokayev, the first elections to the Kurultai will be held on Aug. 23, upon which the Central Election Commission is to be responsible for preparing and conducting the elections, while the government and the regional authorities will be tasked with providing full logistical and financial support. The CEC has decided on a comprehensive calendar: party lists will be nominated and registered in July, campaigning will be carried out in the second half of July up to the day of silence (Aug. 22 ) and voting will be held on Aug. 23. This structured approach is intended to provide clarity for political parties, election administrators and voters.
Seven political parties have been cleared to participate, ranging from agrarian to social-democratic, green to liberal/reformist. The decision of the ruling Amanat party not to contest the elections is a notable feature of the current electoral landscape, though the broader significance of the vote lies in the institutional consolidation of the new constitutional framework. For observers, the campaign and voting will offer a concrete opportunity to assess how the new constitutional framework facilitates political competition, voter engagement, and representation.
Implications for Kazakhstan’s political development
From a professional perspective, the August elections should be seen as a functional stress‑test of the reformed institutions rather than a referendum on their legitimacy, which was already conferred by the March vote. The quality of the electoral process, the effectiveness of the CEC’s administration, and Kurultai’s early legislative and oversight practice will all be key indicators of whether the promised transition to a more accountable, law‑based and people‑centred governance model is being realized in practice.
Equally important is the Kurultai’s interaction with newly established bodies such as the People’s Council of Kazakhstan, which has the right of legislative initiative and is intended to channel broader societal participation into law‑making. If these institutions operate in a complementary manner, they can strengthen public trust by making the political system more open, responsive and predictable, in line with the constitutional emphasis on the Unified People of Kazakhstan and social cohesion.
For Kazakhstan and for external observers, the upcoming elections therefore represent both continuity and change: continuity in the commitment to stability and gradual reform, and change in the architecture of representation and accountability. A balanced assessment will focus less on short‑term electoral arithmetic and more on how the Kurultai contributes, over time, to consolidating a Just Kazakhstan based on law, effective institutions and inclusive political participation.
The author is Dávid Biró, a historian, senior advisor, research and academic network lead of the Ludovika Center for Turkic Studies, Ludovika University of Public Service, Hungary.
Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of The Astana Times.
