How Japan-originated C5+ format helps the least integrated region navigate global power rivalry
Caught between the assertive interests of Russia and China, and the more distant but nonetheless present engagement of the European Union and the United States, the five Central Asian republics – Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan – face a delicate balancing act. While grand multilateral frameworks, designed to foster cooperation, often become paralyzed by the very rivalries they seek to manage, a more nimble and pragmatic approach has quietly taken root: the C5+ format. This minilateral platform, pioneered by Japan, offers a compelling blueprint for how smaller states can leverage flexible diplomacy to navigate the complexities of a multipolar world and safeguard their own interests.
Miras Zhiyenbayev. Photo credit: Zhiyenbayev’s archive
Though Washington may have sought to brand its 2015 ministerial meetings as the genesis of the C5+1 format, the reality is that this approach was innovated much earlier, and further east. As far back as 2004, Japan launched the Central Asia plus Japan Dialogue. This initiative, often overlooked in analyses of regional geopolitics, was remarkably prescient. Tokyo understood that Central Asia, a region still finding its footing after the collapse of the Soviet Union, required a format that was less about binding commitments and grand pronouncements, and more about practical problem-solving and informal exchange. The genius of the Japanese approach lay in its deliberate lightness of touch. Meetings were designed to be issue-specific, addressing the pressing, often sensitive, challenges facing the region – from border management and water scarcity to economic diversification and regional security – without the heavy baggage of geopolitical alignment or rigid treaty obligations.
This dialogue was first introduced in August 2004 by then Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi during her visit to the region, making Japan the first major power to recognize Central Asia as a unified geopolitical entity deserving of a collective approach. Over the past two decades, the C5+1 format set a precedent for treating the five Central Asian states as a cohesive group. By prioritizing infrastructure, education, and human resource development, Japan has contributed significantly to the region’s socio-economic growth. Moreover, the frequency of these forums reflects Japan’s proactive diplomacy, having convened more such dialogues than any other external partner involved in Central Asia.
Japan’s value to Central Asia is distinguished not by the sheer volume of its engagement, but by the quality and strategic focus of its cooperation. While Japan’s Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Central Asia has been steady, it does not rival the larger-scale investments made by the United States, China, Russia, or the European Union. However, Japan’s investment philosophy is rooted in long-term impact rather than immediate financial returns. Where Japan truly excels is in its provision of credits for critical infrastructure and development projects. This support is channeled both bilaterally and through the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA).
Japan stands as the largest provider of Official Development Assistance (ODA) in Central Asia, directing its efforts towards the modernization of government institutions, infrastructure development, and the creation of an open business environment. This strategic focus has allowed Japan to anchor its own economic and geopolitical interests through subsequent business cooperation.
As Central Asia continues to achieve greater political and social stability, the role of JICA, which has been the primary instrument of Japan’s cooperation, may gradually diminish. In its place, institutions like the Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC) are expected to take on a more prominent role, particularly in supporting larger and more commercially oriented projects. A prime example of this evolving dynamic is the Memorandum of Understanding signed between JBIC and Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Transport. This agreement, coupled with growing cooperation from companies like Sojitz Corporation in high-tech sectors, illustrates a transition towards more sophisticated and mutually beneficial partnerships.
One of the key areas where Japan has invested is the energy sector, with a particular emphasis on clean and renewable energy. Japan recognizes the critical role that Central Asia’s abundant natural resources, including rare earth minerals, play in the global supply chain. These minerals are essential not only for green energy technologies but also for the broader high-tech industry, making them a focal point of Japanese interest in the region.
The latest and increasingly critical focus of Japan’s cooperation with Central Asia is connectivity, particularly through the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR). This route, which connects Asia with Europe while bypassing Russia, has gained heightened importance since the onset of the 2022 war in Ukraine. As geopolitical tensions have disrupted traditional trade routes, the TITR has emerged as a preferred alternative. However, despite its strategic significance, the TITR faces substantial challenges, including infrastructure bottlenecks—most notably at Caspian ports—along with issues related to border paperwork and limitations in both software and hardware systems.
This is precisely where Japan’s expertise and resources can make a significant impact. Japan’s potential to address these bottlenecks aligns with its broader strategy of fostering connectivity and development in the region. It is no coincidence that one of the recent C5+1 dialogues, held in March 2023, was aptly titled Connectivity with Central Asia and the Caucasus. This meeting underscored the growing recognition of the need for enhanced transport and communication networks across the region. One tangible outcome of these deliberations was the launch of a joint project between the World Customs Organization (WCO) and JICA, aimed at improving the education and training of customs officers.
The effectiveness of this informal, solutions-oriented approach quickly became apparent. South Korea, recognizing the value of this flexible engagement, adopted a similar C5+ROK format in 2007. Even after the United States rebranded the concept as C5+1, the underlying principles of minilateralism, issue-specificity, and informality, remained remarkably consistent with Japan’s original vision. Intriguingly, the format’s appeal extended even to regional giants. Despite possessing robust bilateral ties with each Central Asian nation and championing grand integration projects like the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEC) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), both Russia and China embraced the C5+ format. Even the European Union, spurred by the urgent need to address regional connectivity and mitigate the fallout from Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, has now adopted its own C5+EU iteration.
This proliferation of C5+ formats, far from diluting the original concept, underscores its inherent strength. What makes it so effective, and why has it proven so adaptable across diverse geopolitical contexts? The answer lies in its minilateral nature and the enduring principles embedded by Japan from the outset. Minilateralism, in contrast to cumbersome multilateralism, is characterized by smaller, more agile groupings focused on specific, often transnational, issues.
For Central Asia, the C5+ format offers a critical advantage: strategic flexibility. It allows the region to engage with multiple external partners – from East Asia to Europe and North America – without being forced into zero-sum choices or triggering undue suspicion from any single power. The informal nature of C5+ meetings respects the diverse foreign policy orientations within Central Asia itself, notably accommodating Turkmenistan’s internationally recognized neutrality. It allows all five states to collectively amplify their regional voice on issues of shared concern, while simultaneously pursuing differentiated bilateral relationships that cater to their individual national interests.
Crucially, the C5+ format minimizes the risk of Central Asia becoming collateral damage in great power rivalries. By focusing on practical cooperation and avoiding politically charged commitments, it provides a platform for engagement that is less threatening and more conducive to building trust. In a region historically defined by external influence, the C5+ offers a pathway for Central Asian states to proactively shape their own future, leveraging external partnerships on their own terms.
As great power competition intensifies globally, the lessons of the C5+ format are increasingly relevant. It demonstrates the power of minilateralism as a tool for flexible foreign policy, particularly for regions seeking to navigate complex geopolitical landscapes. Japan’s quiet innovation in Central Asia has inadvertently provided a valuable template for effective engagement in a multipolar world – one that prioritizes pragmatism, issue-specificity, and the agency of smaller states. In a world often fixated on grand strategies and rigid alliances, the C5+ solution offers a refreshing reminder that sometimes, the most effective diplomacy is the most adaptable and understated.
The author is Miras Zhiyenbayev, the head of the Foreign Policy and International Studies Program at Maqsut Narikbayev University’s MIND, the Maqsut Narikbayev Institute for Networking and Development, Kazakhstan. He has recently authored the book «Widening the Scope: How Middle Powers are Changing Liberal Institutionalism» at the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies under the President of Kazakhstan (KazISS, 2023).
Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of The Astana Times.
